re: Query to <eileen@punctumbooks.com> Iudicio deum morte est. An etching. by Bradley Andrew Ramsey, [M]&c. [for example, arch. Question: 'Can you draw?' final pass]

• Iudicium Dei or Iudicium Hominis: Ordeal, Ritual, and Religion in Iberian Municipal Law by Rachel Q. Welsh/New York University

Medieval ordeal – the iudicium dei, or judgment of God – is rightly understood as a religious phenomenon, as this physical test appealed directly to God’s judgment to reveal an accused person’s guilt or innocence. This miraculous judicial intervention, however, was not confined to the religious sphere; in medieval Iberia in particular, ordeal was administered by local secular authorities with only minimal religious involvement. Moreover, ordeal remained in use throughout Castile and León long after the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 prohibited priests from blessing the instruments or otherwise participating in ordeal. The religious ritual of ordeal, then, also functioned as a secular legal ritual. This paper examines the ritual and religious aspects of ordeal within local municipal law in Castile and León from the mid twelfth through the late thirteenth century. In particular, this paper analyzes how ordeal could function without priests, as a purely municipal ritual, and how the meaning of the ritual itself shifted with this desacralization. Drawing on municipal legal codes (fueros) and liturgical material, this paper reframes ordeal within its local and secular legal context and suggests that judicial ordeal in central Iberia might better be understood not as an iudicium dei, but as an iudicium hominis, a judgment of man.

• Judicium Dei: the social and political significance of the ordeal in the eleventh century*

Morris, Colin. “Judicium Dei: The Social and Political Significance of the Ordeal in the Eleventh Century.” Studies in Church History 12 (1975): 95–111. Web.]

Extract

‘Church, Society and Politics’ is a theme of great importance, and for most of the history of the church christians have been aware of the distinction between these three areas of human activity. They have differed about their relationship, and in particular about the extent to which political action and social order ought to be controlled directly by the christian ethic, but it has been widely recognised that the conduct of government, for example, was a field which had its own special requirements and expertise, in which God’s personal intervention would be neither expected nor welcomed. ‘Aid from heaven’, went one nineteenth-century comment, ‘aid from heaven you may have by saying your prayers, but no angel will come to name the junior lords of the Treasury’.

References

1

A good survey, with abundant references to the older literature, is Nottarp, [H.], [Gottesurteilsstudien] (Munich 1956)Google Scholar and our particular theme is explored in Leitmaier, C., Die Kirche und die Gottesurteile (Vienna 1952)Google Scholar. Relevant material is usefully collected by Browe, [P.], [De Ordaliis] (Rome 1932-3)Google Scholar. I am indebted to my colleague, Dr Paul Hyams of Pembroke College, Oxford, for supplying helpful references and comments.

2

Vernacular usage is not well evidenced before 1100, but we can find bavarian urteil, frisian ordeel and anglo-saxon ordal. It seems that only in England was there a special word for ‘ordeal’, for ordal definitely had this sense, and the latinised form ordalium can occasionally be found here (for references, see Nottarp pp 16-17).

3

PL 162 (1889) col 258c.

4

Ad hoc quoque lapsus est, ut Dei iudicio incredulus fieret iniustitiaeque illud arguens, Deum aut facta hominum ignorare aut aequitatis ea lance nolle pensare astrueret. Eadmer, , Historia Novorum 2, PL 159 (1903) col 412cGoogle Scholar.

5

PL 146 (1884) col 1406d. The absence of the ordeal from, or its condemnation in, the older collections was a major influence on the critics of the system from Ivo of Chartres onwards.

6

ut omnes iuditium Dei credant absque dubitatione. MGH, Leges 2, 1 (1883) p 150.

7

Evidenced in a Worcester manuscript of c 1025. Liebermann, F., ‘Ein Ordal des Lebendig-Begraben’, ZRG, CA, 19 (1898) p 140 Google Scholar.

8

[Regestruin de] Varad, printed Endlicher, S.L., Rerum Hungaricarum Monumenta Arpadiana (Sangalli 1849) pp 640–742 Google Scholar, and discussed by Dareste, R., Études d’histoire du droit (Paris 1889) 1, pp 259-64Google Scholar.

9

res supradicti episcopatus per bellum et omnibus modis requirendi et excutiendi (Browe 1, no 16). In this context bellum must mean judicial combat, in spite of the view of Schwentner, B., ‘Die Stellung der Kirche zum Zweikampf’, Theologische Quartalschrift 111 (Munich 1930) p 205nGoogle Scholar.

10

The evidence for this duel and for the (probably legendary) ordeal by fire which is said to have followed, is discussed by David, P. ‘L’abolition du rite hispanique’, Études historiques sur la Galice et le Portugal (Lisbon/Paris 1947) pp 400-2Google Scholar, and by Hitchcock, R., ‘El rito hispánico, las ordalías y los mozárabes en el reinado de Alfonso VI’, Estudios Orientales 8 (Colegio de México 1973) pp 19–41 Google Scholar.

11

Instances are given by Franz, [A.] [Die Kirchlichen Benediktionen im Mittelalter] (Freiburg 1909) 2, pp 347-9Google Scholar. Examples in our period are the use of fire by abbot Gauzlin of Fleury in 1013 to test the sudarium of Christ—Vita Gauzlini, ed R-H Bautier (Paris 1969) p 60; the trial of relics of the anglo-saxon saints by abbot Walter of Evesham on the advice of archbishop Lanfranc—Chronicon Abbatiae de Evesham, RS 29 (1863) p 323; and the trial of the holy lance and of Peter Bartholomew with it, on the first crusade.

12

The best edition of the ordines iudiciorum Die is that by Zeumer, [K.], [MGH, Leges 5] (1886) pp 599–725 Google Scholar. Further material may be found in Franz 2, pp 307-98. Doubt has recently been expressed whether or not these liturgies were still in use. See Dürig, W., ‘Gottesurteile im Bereich des Benediktinerklosters Weihenstephan (Freising) unter Abt Erchanger (1082-96)’, Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft 15 (Munich 1973) pp 101-7Google Scholar. I am not, however, convinced by the evidence that the ordeal had become a purely popular custom, unblessed by the ritual of the church.

13

Zeumer p 672.

14

Ed Lot, F., Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études 204 (Paris 1913) pp 87–90 Google Scholar.

15

Zeumer p 711; Browe 2, no 5.

16

Browe 2, no 43. Other marvels are to be found in the narratives, especially in those connected with Leo IX discussed later. In 1172 a heretic was found burned by the ordeal of hot iron, not only on the right hand, but all over his body, Annales Colonienses, MGH, SS, 17 (1861) pp 784-5.

17

Genzmer, E., ‘Quare Glossatorum’, Gedächtnisschrift für E. Seckel, Abhandlungen aus der Berliner juristischen Fakultät 4 (Berlin 1927) p 49, no 147 Google Scholar.

18

Cited from an eleventh-century french manuscript by Brunner, H., Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 2 (2 ed Munich/Leipzig 1928) p 544nGoogle Scholar.

19

Varad no 332. P 723.

20

Zeumer pp 697-8. Compare the oath of Liprand at Milan in 1103: Ego ad fiduciam maleficii, aut incantationis vel carminis non intro hoc iudicium, sic me Deus adjuvet, et ista sancta Evangelia in isto sancto iudicio: Landulf, Junior, [Historia Mediolanensis] cap 10, PL 173 (1895) col 1466cGoogle Scholar.

21

Colman, R.V., ‘Reason and Unreason in early medieval Law”, Journal of Interdisciplinary History 4 (1974) pp 571-91CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22

Zeumer p 615.

23

PL 150 (1880) col 1547c.

24

Vita Leonis 2, 5, PL 143 (1880) col 493b. This is the only source to report the miracle.

25

Berschin, W., Bonizo von Sutri (Berlin/New York 1972) p 96nGoogle Scholar.

26

Vita Leonis 2, 4, col 492c.

27

Ibid 2, 7, col 495b.

28

Compare the words of the priest Liprand before undergoing ordeal by fire at Milan in 1103: Nonne ille diabolus, qui suasit ilium fieri simoniacum per pecuniam suadere potest ut adhuc majorem pecuniam daret, et veritatem occultaret et testes et judices mundanos mihi auferret? et non nescitis quia propter vitandam astutiam diaboli et pravorum hominum, ego elegi Deum judicem, qui neque per pecuniam, neque aliquo modo potest falli in iudicio? Landulf Junior, cap 10, col 1464c.

29

Vita Leonis 1, 2, cob 467-8.

30

For the following section, see the discussions by Miccoli, G., Pietro Igneo (Rome 1960)Google Scholar and Werner, [E.], [Pauperes Christi] (Leipzig 1956) pp 101-10Google Scholar.

31

Andreas, , [Vita Gualberti] cap 24, MGH, SS, 30, 2 (1934) p 1086 Google Scholar.

32

Andreas cap 73, p 1095: favebat enim maxima pars episcoporum parti Petri et omnes pene erant monachis adversi.

33

Ibid cap 75, p 1098.

34

Werner p 106: Die ganze Zeremonie des Feuerwerkes war ein übles Bubenstück, aufgebaut auf Trug und der Leichtgläubigkeit der Zuschauer.

35

Ecce corpus dominicum, quod sumpturus ero, in experimentum hodie fiat innocentiae meae, ut omnipotens Deus suo me hodie iudicio vel absolvat obiecti criminis suspicione, si innocens sum, vel subitanea interimat morte, si reus, MGH, SS, 5 (1844) pp 250-60.

36

Ibid pp 295-6.

36a

Bonizo, , Liber ad Amicum 9, MGH Lib 1 (Hanover 1891) pp 616-17Google Scholar. Bonizo is vague about the date, but cicumstantial evidence fixes it in 1080 rather than 1076, and this is confirmed in the Chronicle of Sigebert. In view of Bonizo’s comments there can be no doubt that this prophecy actually was delivered, and was widely known.

36b

Damian, Peter, ep 1, 20, PL 144 (1892) col 247bGoogle Scholar.

37

Printed MGH, SS, 8 (1848) pp 460-1n.

38

Reported in a letter of bishop Peter of Pavia to Henry IV preserved in the Codex Udalrici, ed Jaffé, P., Monumenta Bambergetisia, Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum 5 (Berlin 1869) p 196 Google Scholar.

39

Landulf Junior, cap 11, cob 1462-6.

40

Gregors, Das Register VII, ed Caspar, E., MGH, Epp 4, 2 (2 ed Berlin 1955) ep VIII 9, p 527 Google Scholar.

41

Ramsey, Bradley. Liminality. IGGYDWARF, www.iggy-the-dwarf.com/liminality. . Accessed 3 Oct. 2025.